Democrats wanted to make the 2022 midterms about the death of Roe v. Wade but several key Republican wins prove the left’s abortion obsession isn’t always a winning issue.
Vulnerable Democrats in Arizona, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Michigan, Nevada, New Hampshire, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, and other key states pushed abortion to the top of their campaign priorities heading into the midterms.
Democrats so desperately wanted Americans to believe that “the stakes of these midterm elections” rested on abortion that they poured hundreds of millions of dollars into advertising for pro-baby-killing candidates who voted to codify unlimited abortion — even at the cost of annihilating the filibuster.
They were also more than willing to lie to voters about Republicans’ attempts to pass the type of abortion restrictions most Americans want.
Democrats and their allies in the propaganda press were so confident that abortion was their ticket to win, despite two years of wreaking havoc on the country, that they prematurely attributed any present and future Democrat victories to the party’s hyper-fixation on abortion radicalism.
Even former White House Press Secretary Jen Psaki admitted roughly a week before Election Day that Democrats believe personalizing their extreme abortion agenda is how they will get voters, specifically women, “to the polls moving forward.”
Despite the left-wing party’s best attempts to take their deceptive operations in Kansas national, Democrats failed to make gains on abortion in several key races.
Senate candidates like Florida’s Val Demings and North Carolina’s Cheri Beasley, who spent months on the campaign trail touting unfettered access to abortion, fell short in voters’ eyes. And a whole host of GOP governors with a solid track record on protecting unborn life were rewarded with largely double-digit wins on Tuesday.
By Wednesday afternoon, Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine, who signed protections for unborn children with detectable heartbeats into law in 2019, accrued 25.6 percent more of his state’s votes than his pro-abortion opponent. Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, similarly, won his state by a whopping 19.4 percent mere months after he signed legislation outlawing abortions starting at 15 weeks gestation.
Just a year and a half after Texas Gov. Greg Abbott signed his state’s heartbeat abortion ban into law, he won reelection by 11 percent. With a 7.6 percent lead, Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp, who rubber-stamped a heartbeat law since his last election, kept his seat from preborn heartbeat denier Stacey Abrams.
Pro-life Govs. Kevin Stitt, Kim Reynolds, Kay Ivey, Kristi Noem, Henry McMaster, Bill Lee, Brad Little, and Mark Gordon also won their races.
These governors and their states faced competitive races, legal challenges from the Biden administration, political backlash, and smears from the corrupt corporate media for taking bold steps when it came to abortion. But they didn’t waver.
Instead, Republican candidates used their pro-life success as an asset, not a downfall, during the midterms. They exposed their opponents’ abortion extremism, such as advocating for taxpayer-funded abortion on demand through all nine months of pregnancy.
When the Supreme Court ruled to overturn Roe v. Wade, pro-life governors were affirmed in their decision to see through legislation and policies designed to save unborn babies. Even when Democrats tried to exploit the Dobbs ruling to motivate their base, strong Republican pro-life candidates didn’t back down.
GOP candidates who didn’t communicate their solid support for the pro-life agenda, on the other hand, paid the price for their silence.
There are many reasons that could explain why Mehmet Oz underperformed in Pennsylvania. His shaky abortion track record and inability to voice the advantages of pro-life policies are some of them. Oz failed to go on the offense and expose John Fetterman’s radical desire to do whatever it takes to legalize abortion with no limits.
Oz’s complacency allowed Fetterman and all of his allies in the media to control the abortion narrative. That was clearly a mistake.
Voters overwhelmingly reject the free-for-all abortion frenzy Democrats pledge they will enact in all 50 states. Only 17 percent of Americans say they support the type of unlimited, taxpayer-funded abortion through all nine months that blue politicians overwhelmingly want to legalize.
Even the corporate media, who are guilty of twisting abortion polling to fit their agenda, are sometimes forced to acknowledge that a majority of Americans reject abortion until birth and want restrictions similar to what every other civilized country already has.
But you wouldn’t know that from Fetterman or any other Democrat candidate’s extremist abortion campaigning.
When Georgia gubernatorial candidate Stacey Abrams repeatedly spewed disinformation about unborn babies’ heartbeats and the science of conception to advance the left’s abortion agenda, Democrats and their abortion allies scrambled to back her.
When Democrat Sen. Mazie Hirono called for literal violence against pro-lifers from the Senate floor to advance the left’s abortion agenda, her colleagues, who spent the last year and a half virtue-signaling about the dangers of political violence, didn’t bat an eye.
When the Biden-Harris White House partnered with radical abortion groups to weaponize executive agencies against pro-life states and spread pro-abortion propaganda to advance its abortion agenda, Democrats cheered.
The Biden administration, Planned Parenthood, woke corporations, Big Tech, and the corrupt corporate media all banded together to try and convince Americans that their lives depended on “reproductive rights,” but Democrats’ obsession with ending preborn lives didn’t sway voters who knew the truth about blue candidates’ abortion extremism.
Abortion will always be an issue when it comes to elections. If Republicans want to win, they need to work overtime to expose Democrats’ unpopular baby-killing extremism and give voters the strong pro-life policies they desire.