Senate Democrats likely lack the votes to pull off a major rules change. Still, the fact so many want to do so speaks to the radical nature of their goals.
In a politically damaging move with years of consequences, McConnell just silenced the GOP.
Far from being a helpless minority, Senate Republicans are in a powerful position to leverage their consent for key priorities from their voters.
Had Democrats given Trump’s judicial nominees due respect and consideration, they could have had more influence over Barrett’s nomination process.
It took less than 24 hours for left-wingers to pledge burning down the country if Republicans don’t abdicate their duty to fill a Supreme Court vacancy.
While it may be both clunky and inefficient, the filibuster is nonetheless crucial to ensuring deliberate legislating takes place in the U.S. Senate.
Where Obama previously sounded notes that defended freedom of thought and the need for bipartisan unity, it now appears he has come to share the view of the loudest members of the left.
‘My colleagues propose this rules change because they believe they can get away with it rather than because they know it’s good for our democracy,’ Obama said when ending the filibuster would have set Democrats back.
In a moment that required unity and celebration, Barack Obama chose cynical political rancor.
When they were in the minority, Senate Democrats wanted to keep the filibuster. But now if Joe Biden wins the presidency, they’ll blow it up to unleash the radical left.
Since he exacerbated the Senate’s status as a legislative graveyard, few should trust Harry Reid’s prescription for fixing a self-inflicted problem.
Nearly 40 percent of all votes in American history to filibuster judicial nominees have occurred since President Trump took office.
Wendy Davis, a Democrat best known for her 13-hour long filibuster, is running for Congress against Rep. Chip Roy in 2020.
These three prominent Democrats played a vital role in helping along Brett Kavanaugh’s confirmation to the Supreme Court.
Democrats are trying to use Mitch McConnell’s 2016 political maneuvering against him, saying that the Senate should halt the nomination process until after the election.
Although the bill enjoys support across demographic and party lines it’s also highly unlikely to ever reach the Senate floor for a vote. That should change.
Getting the Senate back to work doesn’t require changing its rules. Republicans have all the tools they need to curb Democrats’ ability to obstruct their agenda.
The 60-vote requirement has become a political club not just preventing imprudent action but almost any serious action at all.
After the House passed the American Health Care Act, the Senate has begun sorting through its options for health care legislation. Looming are procedural concerns unique to the Senate.
Eliminating the filibuster for Supreme Court nominees was the natural culmination of a tit-for-tat escalation by both parties. The brinksmanship is all symptomatic of a much larger problem.
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