Last week, a Washington Post article created a new term, “multiracial whiteness,” to explain why significant portions of Hispanic and black voters turned in their ballots for Trump in the 2020 election. New York University professor Cristina Beltrán explained her newly invented ideology by informing us that “white” is no longer a skin color but a “political color.”
“Rooted in America’s ugly history of white supremacy, indigenous dispossession and anti-blackness, multiracial whiteness is an ideology invested in the unequal distribution of land, wealth, power and privilege — a form of hierarchy in which the standing of one section of the population is premised on the debasement of others,” she writes.
She continues, “multiracial whiteness reflects an understanding of whiteness as a political color and not simply a racial identity — a discriminatory worldview in which feelings of freedom and belonging are produced through the persecution and dehumanization of others.” In other words, if you are a black or brown person who voted for Trump, you are a self-loathing white supremacist.
Democrats usually prefer to just dismiss Trump’s gains with black and brown Americans. Beltrán’s racist take at least admits Trump made significant gains with minority voters.
The left painted Trump and his supporters as racist, but this narrative became unconvincing after Trump outperformed Mitt Romney with Hispanics in 2016 and increased his numbers in the 2020 election. Trump earned 28 percent of Hispanic votes in 2016 and approximately 32 percent in 2020.
Projecting ‘Whiteness’ and Self-Loathing
Hispanics are not a monolith. While many experts point to Trump’s anti-Communist stance as boosting his appeal to Cubans and Venezuelans, who are credited with handing him Florida, that doesn’t explain his appeal among Mexican Americans and other Latinos.
Trump was able to expand his support not only in southern Florida, but also among Hispanics in Arizona, California, Colorado, Nevada, North Carolina, Texas, and Wisconsin. For example, Starr County, Texas is 96 percent Hispanic. Hillary Clinton won the county in 2016 with 79 percent of the vote. In 2020, Joe Biden only won by 5 points, a swing to Republicans of more than 25 points. In nearby Zapata County, Texas, which is 85 percent Hispanic and historically reliably blue, the county turned red, increasing its support for Trump by 15 percent since 2016.
Since Beltrán can’t admit that Trump’s America-first policies appeal to working-class Americans, regardless of color, her solution, along with others like actor John Leguizamo, is to strip them of their racial identity: black and brown Trump supporters must be racist against themselves. How else to explain them joining hands with their oppressors?
While Beltrán is one of few leftists to acknowledge Trump’s appeal to minorities, she clearly made no attempt to understand why they support him, summing up the “MAGA movement” as the “the wild freedom of unbridled rage and conspiracy theories.”
Beltrán and the rest of the Democrat Party need to do some serious soul searching, because the “self-loathing” Hispanic narrative isn’t very convincing and can be refuted by anyone who witnessed the cultural pride on display at the numerous and organically organized Latinos for Trump rallies.
Simply declaring open-borders and calling Hispanics “Latinx,” (a woke, Anglo term used by only 3 percent of actual Hispanics) is a sorely lacking agenda for the working-class and small business entrepreneurs who make up a huge segment of the U.S. Hispanic population. Since the left is too lazy to do it, let’s explore why Trump outperformed his already groundbreaking 2016 numbers with Hispanics.
Trump delivered on the economy. Before the COVID-19 panic, the unemployment rate for Hispanics hit a record low of 3.9 percent in September 2019. In the pre-lockdown Trump era, Hispanics experienced reduced rates of unemployment and poverty, increased rates of homeownership, and rising family median incomes. His business-friendly policies helped Hispanics, who are America’s most entrepreneurial demographic, starting businesses at three times the rate of the general population.
Trump revolutionized the Republican Party by putting American workers at the center of all his policies. Conversely, the Democrat Party is funded by and therefore caters to the corporate media, big business, out of touch Hollywood celebrities, and Wall Street.
The COVID-19 lockdowns put serious financial strains on all Americans. While Trump was advocating for small businesses and imploring state and local authorities to lift lockdowns, Democrat politicians and health officials implemented hypocritical and excessive lockdowns and mandates that have devastated Main Street USA, while giving unfair advantages to corporations like Walmart and Amazon.
With proportionally high numbers of small businesses ownership, Hispanics were hit harder by lockdowns. Many went to the polls terrified not of supposed “systemic racism” but of more lockdowns from a Biden administration.
Trump’s caudillo (strongman) personality may also explain his appeal to some Hispanics, especially Hispanic men. “Caudillismo, as it so happens,” explained Pedro Gonzalez of American Greatness, “appeals to the single largest constituency—working-class whites—and the largest minority group, Latinos.”
While leftists were appalled by Trump’s uncensored, straightforward, and unapologetic messaging, many Hispanics were impressed and saw strength where liberals saw male patriarchy and chauvinism.
Law and Order
Radical left-wing open border policies are not popular among Hispanics. According to the Pew Research Center, immigration ranked eighth among top issues for Hispanics, behind the economy, jobs, education, and health care.
A study in the New York Times asked participants how they felt about “illegal immigration from places overrun with drugs and criminal gangs” and whether they would support calling for “fully funding the police, so our communities are not threatened by people who refuse to follow our laws.” Nearly three out of five white respondents found the message convincing, while exactly the same percentage of blacks agreed, and an even higher percentage of Hispanics.
In a different poll from November 2018, 58.5 percent of Hispanics said they “support Donald Trump’s immigration policies,” even if they disliked him personally. And when liberals vilified the U.S. border patrol, one wonders how many knew that more than 50 percent of them are Hispanic Americans who proudly protect our southern border.
Aguilar said he feels, “in a way, vindicated,” because Trump showed that Republicans can win Hispanic votes without talking, above all, about immigration or having a “radical open-borders agenda.”
While Trump defended law and order, Democrats excused violent Black Lives Matter and Antifa riots all summer, which disproportionately affected poor black and Hispanic neighborhoods. Democrats refused to call in the National Guard to protect small businesses, leaving many of them defenseless and destroyed.
José Niño of American Greatness reported that more than half of Hispanic Democrats supported sending in the military to quell rioting in June, while 60 percent of all Hispanics supported some form of military presence. Defunding the police is wildly unpopular among Hispanics, who value safety and security in their communities and identified “violent crime” as one of their top voting issues this cycle. A July 2020 Gallup survey found that 83 percent of Hispanics want more or the same police presence in their area.
Trump’s emphasis on family values, patriotism, and religious liberty appeals to conservatives and old-school Democrats who feel increasingly out of place in a party obsessed with pronouns, late-term abortion, and the secularization of the culture. Democrats also endorsed Black Lives Matter, whose Marxist mission statement called for the breakdown of the nuclear family, something faith- and family-oriented Hispanics oppose.
For Hispanics hungry to achieve the American Dream, school choice is another popular Republican policy that Trump championed. COVID highlighted the power of teachers unions and the need for educational liberty and parental choice in education.
The working class, particularly essential workers, were disproportionately hurt by school lockdowns and virtual learning. Whereas white-collar and upscale parents could afford ways to keep their children learning, poor and minority parents saw their kids fall behind and disproportionately suffer because teachers unions and the Democrat party were hell-bent on closing schools as a means to destroy the Trump economy prior to the 2020 election.
Trump’s economic and social agenda appeals to working-class and religious families, regardless of color. Alfonso Aguilar is a former Bush administration official who explained to The New Yorker that Trump’s message of “true inclusion” plays into his popularity. Democrats’ “modern theories of multiculturalism,” explains Aguilar, are “not true inclusion—that’s separating people. That’s marginalizing people. I think President Trump made [Hispanics] feel like part of America.”
Beltrán’s Washington Post article can be explained by a shift in the left’s donors and thus their political agenda. The old Democrat Party pushed their leftist policies via class resentment. Today, because of their reliance on big tech and corporate donations, they push their leftist policies and corporate socialism increasingly via race resentment. This is why Trump’s economic blue-collar message posed an imminent threat to their power.
Trump stole the blue-collar issues that once belonged to the Democrat Party — trade, American manufacturing jobs, and well-paid union jobs. Meanwhile, he marginalized the establishment country club members of his own party.
His workers-first policies also alienated traditional GOP donors, like Wall Street and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. By doing this, he won the hearts of the working class. Democrats, no longer able to credibly say they are on the side of workers, needed to make the election about something else and smear Trump as a racist monster.
Trump was the first Republican leader to ignore consultants and conventional wisdom on how to win Hispanics. He doubled down on border security and stricter immigration laws. Instead of pandering, he sold voters on education, family values, safety and security, acceptance and inclusion, strong leadership, and a chance at the American Dream via a robust economy.
Calling Trump’s minority supporters politically white is intellectually lazy and racist. His supporters — black, white, or brown — are united by his America-first economic agenda, patriotism, and policies that protect the unborn, families, and religious liberty.
As the biggest disrupter in modern political history, Trump turned the GOP into the party of the working class and exposed the weaknesses and corruption in both parties. As a billionaire businessman, he turned the nation’s attention to class and economic issues. His policies demonstrated that he cared about your upward mobility, not your race, and that infuriates and threatens the left.