An analysis found that 63 percent of health care-related tweets from a Russian-backed agitprop organization opposed Obamacare efforts last year.
DOJ’s action represented the right policy outcome, but in the wrong venue. Congress and not the courts has proper jurisdiction to strike down the structure of the law.
These requirements would undermine the bill’s supposed goal of ‘state flexibility,’ and could lead to a regime more onerous and expensive than Obamacare itself.
At the end of 2016, I thought Paul Ryan had a plan, and that achieving consensus on a plan would prove the tough part. But Ryan didn’t even have a plan.
If the only state-based insurance reform plan proposed to date violates Graham-Cassidy, then how much ‘flexibility’ does the legislation really provide?
Republicans seem insistent on doing anything but solving the ultimate problem with Obamacare: strangling states’ and individuals’ power to manage their own health care.
Congress has more tools at its disposal to repeal Obamacare’s regulatory morass than commonly believed.
Senate Republicans should not worsen the spectacle of rationalizing bad policy by attempting to render seven years of arguments they made to the pro-life community meaningless.
Federal funding for abortions, higher insurance premiums for Americans, massive bailouts for fat-cat insurance companies—what’s not to love?
With Republicans in charge of Congress and the White House, will they allow a massive Obamacare tax on health insurance plans to hit Americans next year?
Press reports suggest the administration is preparing to revoke Obama administration regulations sharply limiting the sale of short-term health insurance plans.
Jindal has the health policy chops to undermine and roll back much of Obamacare—using the vast administrative powers the law gives HHS.
If Republicans truly believe Obamacare has harmed America, there is no upside in fake bipartisanship. Not for the GOP. And not for the America people.
On the two critical questions—will it lower insurance premiums, and will it generate a system that works for states?—a textual analysis of Graham-Cassidy yields significant doubts.
Lost in the political drama is why health-care reform legislation is so difficult to pass in the first place and why the solution to the problem, which is exceedingly simple, is being ignored.
Which states will end up the proverbial winners and losers under the Graham-Cassidy bill? The answer is simple: Nope.
The Senate’s 52 Republicans have multiple options open to keep the Obamacare repeal process alive after September 30. The only question is whether they have the political will to do so.
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