Imagine if the ambiguous result in our long struggle to end poverty—like the Vietnam War, an effort in which the goal posts always seem to be moving—was shown to be as ineffective.
The rise of the gig economy foretells changes in governance as the rise of Carnegie Steel and Standard Oil foretold the rise of big government. We’re headed somewhere else.
He may not be a conservative, but he is a maverick—and he’s not afraid to destroy the New Deal’s progressive, regulatory legacy.
A better future for poor Americans trapped in Baltimore and across the country must start with a fact-based analysis of how we got here and who has been responsible.
No program has reversed the disincentive for marriage among the poor caused by America’s current welfare programs. Contraception won’t, either.
History shows leftist policies, not racism, have decimated the African-American community. Here’s how to reverse that and end race disparities.
In 2012, the federal government collected $2.45 trillion, had $3.53 trillion in total outlays, and involved itself in every issue in America from A to Z.
In “The Case for Reparations,” Ta-Nehisi Coates never makes the case for reparations. So what is the actual point of the article?
If you read LBJ’s Great Society speech, he comes across as a big, doe-eyed, muddled-headed hippie.
Money can buy secure a political environment, but it can’t buy us love and happiness in a fallen world.
If your approach to compassionate conservative governance would justify the Great Society, it’s usually a sign you took a wrong turn somewhere.
The social vision of the Obama administration, embodied in the Brosurance ads, is the inverse of genuine solidarity.
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