Our political culture has degraded to the point where it encourages the worst presidential temptations—and we’ve made waging war nearly as easy as firing off a tweet.
As North Korea saber-rattles and the Trump administration talks tough, it’s a good time to remember some history lessons from the first Korean War that are still applicable today.
If a few tear-jerker images can move President Trump (or anyone) to support a war that he always opposed, we’re in bad shape indeed.
Because Syrian President Bashar al-Assad continues to possess weapons of mass destruction, and has now used them twice, a U.S. response was warranted.
America has launched air strikes against the Syrian regime, but do we have a strategy yet for Syria? Or do we have too many?
Our soft-spoken, poised ambassador to the United Nations has emerged as the star of the Trump administration, earning new admirers for her performance on the international stage.
President Trump once said the U.S. should stay out of Syria. Then he bombed airbases there. The case for strikes is better than the case for all out war.
Embracing a dictator fits into the Left’s authoritarian narrative about the president, but supporting the army in Egypt is America’s only rational choice.
On the centennial of America’s entry into World War I, the reasons we went to war hold an eerie resemblance to issues facing our country today.
If President Trump were a Manchurian candidate bent on making Russia ‘great again,’ then the place to look is not his speeches, but his administration’s policies regarding Russia.
Conservatives are deluding themselves if they think Putin is anything but a run-of-the-mill autocrat who rules through brute force.
The notion that Trump was at fault for a Navy SEAL’s death—any more than those who died on Obama’s watch are his fault—doesn’t stand up to scrutiny.
National security experts say the domestic political situation is leading to a rapid deterioration of the already fragile relationship with Russia.
With each test, the hermit nation gets closer to subjecting the rest of world to apocalyptic danger. What can the United States do about it?
Defeating ISIS would most likely necessitate a holistic, long-term approach in Iraq along the lines of the 2007 surge. But this would cost the president significant political capital.
When asked if America’s foreign policy since 9/11 has made us more or less safe, a non-dangling-chad majority (51 percent) said ‘less safe.’
Russia’s increased involvement in Libya is another sign that President Vladimir Putin seeks a resurgent Russia that holds sway with allies throughout the Middle East.
Over the course of the lengthy hearing, his testimony painted a coherent picture of what a Rex Tillerson-style American foreign policy might look like.
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