Nathanael Blake is a Senior Contributor at The Federalist. He has a PhD in political theory. He lives in Missouri.
The recently deceased actor’s work as Bernard Woolley in ‘Yes, Minister’ and its successor ‘Yes, Prime Minister’ was indispensable to the greatest political show on earth.
There is a simple reason President Trump should not have been impeached by the House, and the Senate should acquit him: Epstein didn’t kill himself.
Conservatives need to address urban concerns and try to bridge the growing rural-urban divide, rather than just denouncing cities as the malign foil of real America.
Conservatives proclaim the important of the Permanent Things. We should also, in a throwaway culture of plastic and particle board, value permanent things.
After adding up the expensive externalities and the social cost, cheap stuff from China does not look as affordable as it does on the store shelf or the online cart.
Christian post-liberals on the right have seen how readily the liberal center-left and the Chamber-of-Commerce right surrender to the extreme and illiberal left. It makes them wonder: Why not us?
Should we be so eager to destroy communities for Chinese counterfeits and cheap, often disposable, consumer goods? Perhaps a little less efficiency in capital allocation would not be so terrible, after all.
Conservatives should join Hawley in his campaign against St. Louis slumlords. The self-appointed defenders of the free market only discredit themselves and their system by appearing indifferent to bad actors within it.
Pro-life Democrats like John Bel Edwards can win in red states, but the national party would rather lose than elect pro-life Democrats to top state government positions.
The West’s leadership class has been indifferent to the condition of loneliness — until they can use it to push another government program into our lives.
First Things editor R.R. Reno’s book, ‘Return of the Strong Gods,’ persuasively argues that tolerance and liberalism are now at odds with our community bonds and spiritual convictions.
In the end, the freedom to abandon family, faith, and community is the freedom to be insecure, insignificant, and alone before the Leviathan of government.
The radically subjective claims of transgender ideology, combined with the bullying approach its activists often take, offer a clear example of how moral relativism can reduce tolerance and encourage rage.
All the left’s talk about Supreme Court legitimacy, stability, and precedent is an attempt to preserve their previous unconstitutional judicial power grabs — especially on abortion. Will Roberts fall for it?
The mystical doctrines of transgenderism exemplify modern self-worship, in which the human replaces the divine dictates of revealed religion as the source of meaning.
When Republicans praise Trump for being a fighter, it is because he is willing to aggressively challenge the left’s dishonest tactics in a way the Jeff Flakes of the GOP do not.
The Oxford comma is often superfluous and a crutch for bad writing, yet it has many partisans who want to force it on everyone.
There are many ways in which post-Trump conservatism could go wrong. But there is no way in which the anti-Trump remains of the old GOP can go right.
Giving children the vote will not protect children’s interests or benefit the nation. These ends can only be accomplished if adults limit their individual autonomy in service to the common good.
Conservatives know how to resist the bad ideas of the left. We are less sure how to restrain or mitigate the harm that markets and new technologies can do to social cohesion and communities.
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