The Obama administration has been the most lawless in U.S. history. Here are just a few examples to prove it.
We should welcome renewed attention to our Constitution post-Election Day. Just because it has lasted this long doesn’t mean it’s safe.
When Donald Trump, uninhibited by checks and balances, names his cabinet, be sure to thank Barack Obama, Harry Reid, and others who killed the filibuster.
Dissent, executive restraint, gridlock, you name it. Now that Donald Trump will be president, stuff that used to be treason is suddenly cool again.
Democrats are about to learn that a legacy built on edicts is easily discarded. That’s good news for the republic.
A presidential election holds serious consequences. But if the republic can’t survive one bad executive, then it’s already dead.
Congress in 1866 was concerned about an unpopular, reactionary president using the Supreme Court to restrict the people’s rights. In 2017, we will likely find ourselves in a similar spot.
The states remain in charge of this presidential election. They are not doomed to watch helplessly as scandal after scandal emerges about the two major-party candidates.
A proposed amendment to the U.S. Constitution would give states the authority to repeal a federal rule or regulation by a two-thirds majority.
We waste too much time on anecdotal conversations about race—especially after tragedies that have racial elements to them.
A list that stops you from boarding a plane today is a list that might deny you a license to drive, speak, or vote tomorrow.
The war progressives are waging upon the Constitution makes arguments that Donald Trump would drag us to some new depth of constitutional anarchy ring quite hollow.
Denis McDonough says Obama’s administration doesn’t want his executive orders subject to anything so piddly and irritating as Congress.
Government isn’t meant to be active and efficient. It’s meant to secure our rights.
The Senate should not give up its ability to check presidential power by refusing to confirm unfit appointees like Loretta Lynch.
How can both the Left and the Right claim ‘The Hunger Games’ movies as their own?
The dispute between John Adams and Edmund Burke can illuminate today’s differences between American and European conservatives.
You get the immigrants—and the nation—you ask for.
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